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The Death of the  Tow-Chang
by Dr Lim Boon Keng
 

(from "The Queue Question", the Straits Chinese Magazine, Vol. 3. 1899)
 

THE TIME IS LONG PAST for any progressive Chinese to postpone action in effecting necessary social and political reforms simply because in so doing the conservative prejudices of the people have to be ignored or opposed. We do not propose to say anything regarding political reforms because these are fraught with almost insuperable difficulties and are well beyond the scope of the Reform Party in the Straits Settlements. I therefore address myself solely to such questions as interest our Straits Chinese who are British subjects. Whatever may be said in this and succeeding articles apply to these latter only, as I do not wish to include subjects of the Ta-tsing rulers as the Chinese people who have no alternative before them but reform.  The subjects of the Empress Dowager of the Ta-tsing dynasty must obey the laws and institutions of the great Ta-tsing Code and regulations. They can only reform at the point of the sword, and they can only gain independence by wading through the blood of countless thousands.  Not even a sympathetic emperor can do aught to lighten for them the burden of Mandarin tyranny and oppression, and all patriotic Chinese must long to see the millions of the Middle Kingdom brought to the knowledge of the rights of man and thus induced to struggle for the removal of the yoke which presses them down so grievously. 

But we Straits Chinese are free men! We are free in the sense that we are subjects of the Queen Empress who governs the British Empire on constitutional principles and through whom all the varied races under the aegis of the British flag are united in one bond of brotherly sympathy and accord.   All those rights and privileges which the Commons of the United Kingdom had wrested from the Crown have now become the birthright of all who owe allegiance to the Queen. In view of those great and inestimable privileges we declare that it is  unpatriotic and unwise on our part to allow the prejudices of our forefathers who were not British subjects, to deter us from pursuing the only course to advancement socially and intellectually - to wit, from the abandonment or alteration of ways and customs opposed to progress as well as from the formation or adoption of views and doctrines in consonance with the culture of civilised nations. We sorely lack the power of initiative, and this  apparent feebleness of originality of mind and action can only be accounted for by the persistent oppression and cruelty to which our forefathers had been subjected.  Now, even though we have all the liberty and privileges of free men, we are instinctively afraid to move out of certain grooves in which through association with our countrymen from China and our defective and pernicious system of Chinese education, we still delight to remain, and we are prepared to decry all renovators as traitors to our nationality. 
 

 

We must change

The indisputable fact, however, remains that the Chinese system of thought and social polity, must be changed or adapted to the newer needs of international intercourse,  else we as Chinese must forfeit all the advantages which we otherwise enjoy, and must be content with joy, and must be content with only a secondary place in the social and commercial struggles of the nations. We, who are British subjects must claim to exercise all the privileges to which quoad British subjects we are entitled , but in order that our claims might be respected by the  proper authorities  we must prove by the lives and conduct and works of our people that are deserving of the citizenship of the British Empire. Individually, it may not matter very much to each Straits Chinese whether he continues to pursue unaltered the ways of his forefathers, or whether he sets to work to introduce  such reforms as to place himself socially and  intellectually in the position which as a British subject he ought to hold. Collectively, however it makes all the difference in the world, for I take it that the ignorance and defects of individuals reflect on the class. 
I premise, as a safe and unimpeachable principle for Reformers, the  necessity of abandoning a custom or habit or idea or ceremony if it can be satisfactorily shown that the latter is either useless, objectionable or inconsistent with progress. 

In the present article let us consider very briefly the queue question. Peoples object very much to change their costumes by direction, but the experiences of history teaches that in nothing else do nations change more frequently than in the matter  of dress.   Except in the case of modern Japan, which must in every respect stand as a paradox in the history of nations, changes in national dress have been brought about more or less gradually. 

Confining our remarks to British subjects of Chinese race, we must at once confess that the Straits people have evolved a special kind of costume which indicates no less clearly the influence of European and Malay dress than its Chinese origin. Naturally, as English education spreads, the tendency towards adoption of European modes of dressing becomes greater.  But we should not be in a hurry to exchange our present elegant, convenient and comfortable dress for the better fitting European clothes; although for special purposes we should have no hesitation in adopting them, e.g. in active employment and in taking part in violent exercises. 
 

The tow-chang is useless

The tow-chang is hardly part of our dress. It is merely a mode of doing up the hair.  The only reason that I need urge against the custom is its absolute uselessness and inconvenience.  The tow-chang can be done away with; and its absence will not in the least affect the Chinese prejudicially in one way or another. On the contrary they will have given up a troublesome and elaborate coiffure. The only people likely to suffer will be the barbers, but these will have to seek other employment or adapt their trade to the new custom. 
There is no reason why those who like to plait their hair into a long queue should not do so. The reformers have not the least objection to the tow-chang being worn by those who prefer to keep it on. But the reason we have laid great stress on its abolition is that in our opinion the conservative instinct of our race is so great and so deeply rooted that unless some important step is definitely taken to indicate a forward march there will always be back-sliding, and then there the convenient excuse, ?Oh, we must not alter from the ways of our forefathers." 

If the intelligent and educated Chinese who at the same time are British subjects, are not prepared to give up a practice which is troublesome, inconvenient and absolutely without any benefit, then we need not hope that the  same people will be prepared to make any serious attempt to move with the times, i.e. to adapt the old Chinese views and ways to the requirements of modern civilisation. After a prolonged and careful study of the question, I have to confess that this is impossible unless and until the Chinese will make a clean breast of all ancient authority and will dare to stand on their  own judgment, unswayed by the reproaches of those unwilling to reform. ?Tis true and ?tis a pity ?tis true that in most countries, and particularly in China, the influence of the unprogressive majority has always had the effect of retarding necessary and beneficial reforms, which often can be initiated at the cost of martyrdom to the first fearless spirits that dared to act contrary to the accustomed way. 
 

The tow-chang must go!

Historically the continuance of the practice by British subjects is quite  indefensible.  The Ta-tsing Government looks upon the tow-chang as a sign of allegiance to the Manchu sovereign.  The history of the struggles which were continued between Manchus and Chinese goes for nothing among us the unworthy and degenerate descendants of those patriots who preferred death to submission to the most ignominious condition ever imposed by the victors upon the vanquished. It is now time even for the Chinese who are Manchu subjects to stand up for reform, and like Kan-yu-wei and his colleagues, to face oppression and persecution, if need be.  Therefore we should not hesitate on historical grounds to pronounce that the wearing of the tow-chang by British subjects is quite improper. 
Nor has the abolition of the tow-chang anything to do with religion. It is merely a sign that those who give up the custom are prepared to change their ways and views in any direction whatsoever in order to improve themselves and their people.  But the reform must be a real reform within and without, not a mere adoption of an European external covering to hide the olds sores of an inner life. No, we want reforms on national lines.  We have too much to lose to forget that we are Chinese. Our opposers say that we wish to renounce our race!  No, we do not wish to do that. If we did, we would have wished in vain, for if there is one thing a man cannot do, it is to change physical features. A Chinese always remains a Chinese however he may dress and wherever he may live. Does anyone pretend that the long-queued European missionary in Mid-China is a Chinese? Certainly not. The missionary despite his tow-chang is an European or American. Now the very reason which induces these good men to adopt the tow-chang in their travels among millions who know next to nothing of foreign countries except that the latter are the lands of savages is the justification for our doing away with it. When we are going to Mid-China, let us put it on! 

Reformers can adopt any religion they please. It does not fall within the scope of reform to enforce uniformity of religion. Nor indeed is such an attempt at uniformity desirable.  The history of religion in Europe teaches too  distinctly the dangers of enforcing a uniform religion amongst all manners and conditions of people.  We must allow perfect liberty of conscience, and allow others to live in the faith they have chosen with the same freedom as we would that others suffer us to do in our own case.  Therefore it is erroneous to say that the reform movement is a Christian movement. It is no more Christian than Confucian ? but for the present many Christians are in favour of reform.     The reform moment aims at  the eventual emancipation of the Chinese from those social and intellectual restraints which now prevent their development in new directions, and as a first  step towards the goal, the tow-chang must go!  # 



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