or My broken rojak market English 

by

Tan Sooi Beng

Part One

(Speak My Language by Ah Gu (Album: Chang Ge Gei Ni Ting [Sing a Song for You], 1998)
 

AH GU OR AH NIU (bull in Hokkien and Mandarin respectively) is the nickname for singer-composer Tan Kheng Seong after his hit song Ah Niu and Ah Hua. Born in rustic Kampung Benggali, Province Wellesley, Ah Gu is known for his country-folk songs which take listeners back to nature and the village community which seems to be breaking up as a consequence of modernity. Like other musicians, Ah Gu also questions his own identity and culture in his songs. In Speak My Language, he implies that the Chinese in Malaysia (and Penang) are not homogeneous. They speak so many different dialects and languages that some have to resort to "broken Rojak Market English" to communicate with one another. They are also differentiated in terms of educational background, religion and the degree of acculturation. Likewise, the variety in the Chinese performing arts illustrates the multiplicity in Chinese identities.

This paper looks at the changes in the forms, content and functions of the Chinese performing arts in Penang from the pre-World War II period till the turn of the millennium. By relating the changes in the performing arts to the socio-cultural transformations in society, this paper shows that since independence, Chinese artistes like Ah Gu have been searching for their Malaysian identities. Contrary to popular notions of culture as something traditional and essentialist, people like Ah Gu are constantly creating and recreating their culture as they interact and respond to the changes in the environment. However, due to their internal differences, the visions of a Malaysian Chinese identity are varied.

In this paper, I have focussed on mainstream Chinese genres only. The paper does not discuss non-Chinese forms, such as the western drama, marching band, symphony orchestra or choir which the Chinese also participate and excel in or Baba genres such as dondang sayang.
 

In the mid-nineteenth century when large numbers of Chinese migrated to Malaya in search of employment and economic opportunities, various Chinese social and cultural institutions appeared on the Malayan scene. These Chinese immigrants {sinkeh) brought with them their own music, dance theatre and martial arts. They adhered closely to and were influenced by cultural developments in China. Cantonese, Teochew, Hainanese and Hokkien operas, the Hokkien glove puppet (po-te-hi) and the Teochew rod puppet {kah-lay) theatre were staged. These troupes were initially brought from China but many of the proprietors and performers never went back. The troupes were professional, as the performers received income solely from the opera, were paid professional fees by the proprietor and lived and travelled together.

Even though they used different dialects, the various types of Chinese opera and puppet theatre shared many similar characteristics and functions. They used the same character types which were identified by their facial features, colour, material and decorations of costume and headware. Stories focussed on the life and deeds of emperors, generals and the aristocracy of China, romantic love between the scholar and the heroine, fairies and demons and the conquests of barbaric tribes. Some of the popular Chinese opera stories were drawn from the classics San Kuo Yanyi (The Romance of the Three Kingdoms) and Shuihu Zhuan (The Water Margin) or folk tales such as Sam Pek Eng Tai and Madam White Snake. Both opera and puppet theatre performed on make-shift stages set up in open spaces or in temple grounds (Newell 1961, Ly Singko 1965-66). In the early twentieth century, the Chinese opera was also performed at the Drury Lane Theatre known as Sin Hi Tai (New Theatre) in Penang Hokkien.

Besides entertaining the immigrants, the Chinese opera and puppet theatre were also performed as offerings to celebrate the birthdays of Chinese temple deities as well as during festivals such as the seventh month P'or Tor  festival. It was reported in the Penang newspaper, Straits Echo (30 August 1933), that "for three days and nights, the Chief of the Spirits [was] entertained with wayangs opposite the Chinese Temple called Kuan Im Teng ... Beach Street and Campbell Street were two other streets that observed this festival." At such festivals, the staging of an opera was always a community affair. It was as much an occasion for social gathering as it was an offering. During the performance, people moved about freely, chatted with their friends, or even ate at side stalls.
 

  Ko-tai
The development of amusement parks such as the Fun and Frolic, Wembley and New World in Penang in the 1930s helped to stimulate the development of the Chinese performing arts. The amusement park was a place where different types of entertainment such as bangsawan performances, movies, ronggeng parties, joy ride cars, dance halls, food and gambling stalls could be found. For the Chinese community in towns, local opera troupes and troupes from China such as the Ritz Cantonese Opera, Sit Kok Sin Cantonese Opera, Foong Sen Nin Cantonese Opera, Eng Siew Choon Teochew Opera, SLIB Gaik Hiang Teochew Opera, Keong Hoe Shanghai Opera, Sin Sai Thean Yean Hockchew Opera and Nam Sin Kiot Sia Hylam Opera performed regularly at the amusement parks {Straits Echo, 10 Feb. 1932, Times of Malaya, 21 Sept. 1932). To see the shows, one had to pay 15, 25 or 35 cents for a seat. If one could not afford that, one could watch standing from the side.

Modern stage shows or ko-tai were also staged at the amusement parks. Catering to the urban Chinese in the 1930s, the ko-tai consisted of performances of popular song. To provide variety, sometimes excerpts of more serious Chinese plays such as Jia, adapted from Ba Qin's novel "Family",  and Lei Yu, adapted from Cao Yu' s novel "The Thunderstorm" were interspersed with popular songs. Some of the troupes included Keat' s Magical and Vaudeville Show (which featured "hula-hula dancing and magical arts" ) and the Cherry Blossom Music and Operatic Show. The latter attracted "capacity houses" with its "excellent performance and beautiful girls," "modern orchestra, singing and dancing" at the Fun and Frolic Park in Penang (Straits Echo , 20 Nov. 1933, 5 Feb. 1934).

Since its inception, the ko-tai had always been part of modern entertainment. According to Lau Ping, the owner of the Lau Ping Singing troupe which was famous in the 1980s, the ko-tai appealed to the younger set during the pre-War period and was an alternative to traditional entertainment like the Chinese opera. Popular songs by famous Chinese stars based in Shanghai (such as Zhou Xuan, Bai Guang, Li Xiang Lan, Yao Li and Wu Ying Yin) were sung. Performers were clad in the fashionable cheong sam, samfoo or even Western attire. The ko-tai was not associated with religious festivals then (Tan 1984b).

While professional opera and ko-tai troupes toured the towns of Malaya, amateur cultural organizations, martial arts and lion dance associations were set up in individual towns. These organizations were first organized as part of Chinese voluntary associations such as dialect and kinship organizations which took care of the needs of the Chinese immigrants. Later, other amateur cultural clubs attached to Chinese schools, old pupils (alumni) associations, political parties and religious groups were formed. Compared to the Chinese opera and ko-tai, these amateur clubs depended on annual dues from members as well as donations from rich patrons and the public whenever performances were organized. Participants took part in these cultural activities as hobbies and were not full-time performers.
 

In Penang, the Chinese cultural organizations provided places for immigrants to socialize, to entertain one another, to learn new cultural skills and to take part in healthy physical training. For instance, Chinese immigrants used to get together after work on an ad hoc basis to improvise opera tunes as well as Teochew, Hokkien, Cantonese and Khek folk tunes from the provinces where they originated. It was reported that regular musical practices were held at the Penang Chinese Ladies Chin Woo Association, the Toi Sun Union and other clubs {Straits Echo, 16 Mar. 1935). Over time the standard of performances must have improved. Consequently, in the 1930s, some of the groups such as the Hu Yew Seah Orchestra were even invited to play live concerts for private radio stations {Straits Echo, 13 Nov. 1936).

Another popular club activity was martial arts. The immigrants got together to learn and practice taiji or gongfu. Included among the activities of martial arts associations was the lion dance which was performed to bring good luck during Chinese festivities and at ceremonies marking the launch of new businesses. Members of lion dance clubs had to build up their body stamina to carry the lion head and to perform intricate tricks.

Mei lan-fang
Amateur associations which promoted Chinese opera were also popular. In these associations, members learnt to perform short excerpts of opera stories and to sing and play opera tunes from professional opera actors and actresses. Amateur clubs allowed respectable members of society to sing opera tunes without the stigma usually attached to professional actors and actresses. Other activities of Chinese amateur cultural associations included dancing particularly the various folk and classical dances of China and acting in modern scripted plays.

Besides promoting friendship and entertainment, these amateur clubs also played important roles in fund raising for specific purposes. The Penang Mutual Improvement Association or Kwong Hock Khu staged Chinese dramas in aid of the Raffles College Fund, the Red Cross and the China Flood Relief Fund {Straits Echo, 16 Mar. 1935).

With the onset of the Japanese Occupation in 1942, most performance activities came to a stand still. The Chinese opera and ko-tai continued to decline in the 1950s and 1960s. Compared to the pre-War days audiences at amusement park theatre halls were smaller and consisted of housewives who brought their children, grandmothers, domestic servants and a handful of businessmen and their wives who came to watch their favourite actors and actresses. Due to financial difficulties, many troupes had to close down.

Moreover, Chinese opera and ko-tai had to compete with new forms of entertainment such as the movie, radio, nightclubs and later television. The Chinese opera became an anachronism for the younger generation who could no longer understand or appreciate the stylized language, symbolism and feudal stories used by the opera troupes. With the closure of the amusement parks themselves in the late 1960s due to poor business, the professional opera troupes were reduced to performances for temple celebrations and festivals to appease and honour the deities. Ko-tai singers who used to perform at the parks were retrenched and had to turn to other ways of earning a living.

Although professional Chinese opera and ko-tai had declined, the Chinese cultural associations consolidated during the 1950s and 1960s. This was because Chinese cultural associations play important social functions providing opportunities for Chinese youths especially lower class youths to socialize, meet others with similar interests, learn to play musical instruments, dance and act without having to pay exorbitant fees and gain experience in organizing musical and social activities. Dialect groups such as the Teochew Association continued to conduct amateur Teochew Opera practices while the Nanyang Thong Hong Siang Tong Penang Chapter promoted Teochew opera singing among its members. The Soon Tuck Hooi Koan ran weekly Cantonese opera singing practices. Beijing opera was promoted by the Peng Siah Association which collected money for the building of Nanyang University in Singapore in 1956.

With the severing of ties with China and as the Chinese became Malaysian citizens, more local compositions particularly in music and dance were created. However, the Chinese were still inspired and influenced by the arts of China and more directly those of Hong Kong and Taiwan. Just as in these places, culture was influenced by political orientations after the communist takeover of China in 1949. Many cultural associations in Malaysia were split into groups characterized as advocating "art for art's sake" or "art for the people" .

In general, those groups which advocated "art for the people" promoted art which portrayed social reality with the aim of inculcating political and social values among the performers as well as among the audiences. Music, dance and drama depicting the lives of plantation workers, fishermen and the working class were composed and presented by these groups to raise the social consciousness of the audience. These groups promoted group effort and collective conceptualization and production of theater-dance and music works. These works were often based on fieldwork where dancers spent time in pineapple plantations or fishing villages to obtain a first-hand account of everyday life. For most "art for the people" groups, the process of creation was more important than the aesthetic product (Tan 1992).

On the other hand, those who advocated "art for art's sake" viewed art essentially as a form of artistic and aesthetic activity. The "art for art's sake" groups were dominated by teachers and choreographers who conceptualized and choreographed the creative pieces. These groups wanted to promote interest in the arts among the public and to raise the quality of the Chinese performing arts. Many of the groups were led by musicians and dancers who were trained in Hong Kong, Taiwan or Britain. Music groups such as the Penang Philharmonic Society (formed in 1961 by Khaw Guan Liang, a returnee from Hong Kong) and the Penang Arts Chorus (formed in 1965 by a group of cultural enthusiasts) featured soloists and choirs singing art and folk "songs from Hong Kong, Taiwan and Malaysia with themes about romance and patriotism {The Star, 10 April 1986; NST 15 April 1985).

Despite the differences between the "art for art' s sake" and "art for the people" groups, nevertheless both sides promoted "healthy culture" {jiankang wenhua  as opposed to "yellow culture" (huangse wenhua) and started composing their own creative compositions. The search for a Malaysian Chinese cultural identity stimulated debates between both groups about the direction of the Chinese performing arts.

In the 1960s. both "art for art's sake" and "art for the people" groups adopted the modem Chinese orchestra which had become the national orchestra of China, and which had been popularized in Hong Kong and Taiwan (Tan 2000). Chinese musicians from Malaysia who had studied in Hong Kong were influenced by the new sounds of the modem Chinese orchestra which combined both Western and Chinese instruments, tone colour, intonation and texture. The musicians brought the scores, tapes and recordings of new pieces back to Malaysia. The SMJK Jit Sin Chinese Musical Instrument Society in Province Wellesley was initiated in 1968 while The Penang Philharmonic Society started its huayue tuan in 1971. Using scores and new improved instruments imported from China and Hong Kong, they began to play the repertoire of the modern Chinese orchestra. Newer and larger sounds stirred excitement among many Chinese youths who were attracted to join the orchestras. Since then, associations such as the Hui Yin Se and other Chinese schools such as SMJK Chung Ling and SMJK Perempuan Cina started their own huayue tuan in the 1970s and 1980s respectively.

By the late 1970s, the political distinction between Chinese cultural groups became less important. Many of the "art for the people" organizations found it increasingly difficult to organize performances as police permits were required and difficult to acquire. Meanwhile, in the aftermath of the cultural revolution in China itself and the new influence of video culture from Hong Kong on the younger generation, both of which led to a general decline in leftist influences, some "art for the people" groups themselves were transformed into "art for art's sake" associations. #

(to be continued)
 

Editorial note

By "returnees" the author means those who returned home after studies abroad

P'or tor   A term originating in Buddhism whereby prayers are made for the spirits of those unburied and drowned at sea.  In the  7th lunar month the festival is elaborately celebrated by the Penang Hokkiens and Babas with offerings of food and clothing  for those who had the misfortune to die without relatives. The Cantonese call it siew yee, the burning of clothes, when clothes are offered to the unburied, a simpler celebration 
 

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