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 Labour's imperial claws

  Imposing  the Malayan Union

 

Miracleman 

MacMichael In Action

And so thc cat is out of the .bag

THE POINTS RAISED BY  Capt. Gamnans and the letters read in the House, of Commons' debate in the 'second reading of the Straits Settlements (Repeal) Bill on March' 8. 1946 indicate that the Sultans . themselves, though for reasons of their own, were vehemently opposed to the Malayan Union. Even in the camp of' reaction there seems to have been dissension and it is only now that we -have an opportunity to appreciate the smooth technique of  Sir  Harold  MacMichael.

In. the debate on the Repeal Bill Mr. Creech-Jones defending Government accused the Conservative  Opposition of making a "great deal of the letters that nave now come from the Sultans protesting that their signatures were obtained under some kind of duress.-" "The Sultans." w.e.nt on Mr. Creech-Jones,'_have thought again, but, when their signatures were given they had the fullest opportunity to understand precisely what they were doing ......"

We do not hold a brief for the Conservative Porty in England, or the Sultans' Party here in Malaya. But, really, Mr. Creech-Jones could hardly have taken a  more unfortunate s t and. Especially, so, when there  was such excellent evidence in the hands of the  Conservative Cap!.  Gnmmans. to prove the contrary.

SULTANS   NOT UNDER  DURESS

Mr. Creech-Jones maintains that the Sultans were not under duress. Certainly not. It was out of pure, innocent fun that Sir Harold served that verbal ultimatum on the Sultan of Kedah with a  blunt statement that in the event of his refusing to sign the Agreement a successor would be appointed who would  do  so.

It was the  same imp of mischief that prompted Sir Harold to warn the Sultan of Selangor that "it would be best for hin to surrender his powers io the King," with the ' advice ' "that it would be best for lite Highness to do so and not prove recalcitrant."

The negotiations ( it can hardly  be  called   that)   were conducted, in the most arbitrary,  despotic manner. Where the Sultans  could he bludgeoned into surrender Sir Harold,, assisted by the redoubtable Brigadier Newboult, did not j hesitate to do so. Where some of them had the guts, to show .resistance, Sir Harold  forgot that   he   belonged to a nation that had just saved the  world from fascism and adopted  methods of  coercion that reminded  of Hitlerite diplomacy.

Perhaps the  strongest condemnation of the tactics which Sir Harold used was voiced  by the Sultan of Negri Sembilan that  "we (the Sultans) were likewise compelled (under Japanese rule), to do many things with ªwhich we disagreed under the threat of unpleasant penalties to ourselves. and, what is   more   important, to our people."

When Mr. Creech-J ones claims that the  Sultans were not placei under any duress he forgets  that., a. printed explanatory  note',  marked 'personal and confidential" was always hranded  across with the Agreement, When the Sultan of Negri Sembilan was     presented     with     the Agreement he. was simultaneously  handed this "explanatory note." When the full |impqrt of the Agreement  reduced him  to impotent silence  Sii  Harold seems to have  impatiently risen and calmly announced that he was sending  for, the five hereditary chiefs of Negri Sembilan to be .present on the morrow , when he (the Sultan) , would., sign the Agreement.

Of the; five chiefs one was an illiterate, old' man who could  not have understood the full; implications of the Agreement; another was brought from his death-bed; and the third was' a minor who had  deputed al] his power to his sister. These three signed willingly and the other two under protest.

The Sultan then asked for transport  so that he   might see his brothers and consult them. He was curtly told  that this was  impossible  as   neither the   time   nor   the  facilities were  available.

The barrister in him made the Sultan fully aware of the veiled, implication,  that what he and  his chiefs had been compelled to  do might further be held-against them. A foreboding fully justified  to-day when  Mr.  Creech-Jones takes the stand that with all    their   antagonism to the Malayan Union the Sultans did sign arid whatever the  Opposition might say their  signatures . were  there  on  the dotted line  to back up and sanctify  whatever action the Government might take in the future.

SIGNED AND THAT lS  ENOUGH.!

The  argument  that  Mr. . Creech-Jones   forward's   that .the Sultans "had the fullest opportunity to   understand precisely    what .they  were  doing,"'   is hardly a feasible one. The Sultan of Johore says., "that  he signed  it  quite willingly,  firstly,  because  he   was so. happy, and relieved at the liberation  of  Malaya from Japarnese  occupation, and secondly,, because he felt  confident, that he would. not be  asked.  to  sign   anything  that was n ot  in  the  interests of the   Malays.'    He .seems  to have  signed  the  Agreement  with the indifference and carelessness, with  which we sign a  post-office telegram receipt.

"It was only afterwards that thinking the matter over carefully and  lengthily, I came to  the conclusion   that I had signed  the Agreement  without scrutinising it as closely as I should  have  done and that I had unfortunately not realised its far-reaching implications.

It is.worthy. of note., that  the Sultan of .Johore signed the Agreement  without consulting the  State Council and as such  the  Agreement as far.as .Johore at least is concene'd  is null  and. void. But these niceties  of legal procedure .do not  seem to have bothered Mr, Creeeh-Jones or his colleagues in the Government, for the Malayan Union  is to-day  a  reality  and Johore is in it as  much, as  any  other State whether  her  Sultan's  signature is valid  or not.

PUBLIC  OPINION  IGNORED


Mr  Creech-Jonies carefully  ignores  the   second .issue raised by Capt. Gammans as to  whether the Governrnent can maintain that "apart from the negotiations with the Rulers, the voice of the people as a whole, as represented in the  municipalities, State  Councils,  organisations of whatever type, has in fact been consulted."

It can be  categorically stated that from our slight observation  of  Sir Harold's  methods  nothing  could have been further from his mind and practice  than to consult  public opinion.  Even when the Sultans themselves  expressed a desire: to consult thir own advisers or their State Councils  to gauge public opinion,  Sir  Harold by tactical manoeuvring seems to have made this impossible. In Kedah the members of the State  Council were  compelled  to sign an undertaking that they would advise the  Sultan  to sign the Agreement.

When  the Perak  chiefs came  to  the Astana to talk it over with their Sultan the discussion took place "in the presence of  Brigadier Newboult" which  alone would have been a sufficient deterrent to  a frank and open discussion  among the chiefs  themselves.

In  Negri  Sembilan the Chiefs seemed to  have  been. manoeuvred. against the Sultan. They were inveigled into signing the  Agreement first and then it was presented to the Sultan almost as a fait accompli.

MODUS OPERANDI

And now to turn to  the technique of  negotiation and to the principles  of democracy as  interpreted by Sir  Harold.

On November  13, 1.945, Sir Harold, accompanied by Brigadier Newboult and Colonel Calder called on the Sultan of Negri Sembilan. and  placed  before  him  the Agreement that he  was to sign, handing also as a matter of  routine a printed  paper marked  "personal and confidential.''  In  the  stunned silence that  followed the perusal  of the Agreement, Sir Harold, probably sensing opposition forestalled it by announcing that he  was sending for the five hereditary chiefs of Negri Sembilan. And that was that.


The Chiefs signed, the Sultan was  denied  both time and transport to  consult others and Negri Sembilan automatically became  a state in  the Malayan Union.

Selangor was a more lively affair  Sir Harold called on October 23, 1945. After the usual exchange  of formalities Sir Harold broached the subject by  asking the Sultan if he  had seen anything about the Malayan Union in the  newspapers. The peculiar thing is that Sir  Harold  had omitted  to notify  personally any of the Sultans of the impending reforms. In-this ease the Sultan was to have gathered such important information from the newspapers. After all, forewarned, is forearmed, and it was well that Sir Harold did not give the Sultans a  chance  for combined action.

NOT   TO   BE  RECALCITRANT

When the Sultan  of Selangor  answered  that he  had but understood the proposals imperfectly, Sir  Harold threw off his diplomatic gloves ,and, after some rant about the Union's objective being, for the good.'of the people,  calmly told the Sultan "that it  would be  best -for him to  surrender his powers to the King." And went on Sir Harold,  "I ask your Highness and other Rulers to give your consent and not be recalcitrant."

This apparently broke the back of the Sultan, for with a  meek "I trust  the King nnreservedly"  he  struck a note of abdication when he said. "I beg His Majesty and his government  to  manage the affairs of my state with justice."

He then put forward his suggestions  concerning the Malayan Union which seems to have reduced Sir  Harold to the end of his diplomatic tether. For he bluntly remarked "that while he would convey His Highness's views to higher quarters, the sole purpose of his coming here (to Selangor) was to get the Sultan's signature."

The Sultan of Kedah, probably  because he- was the most "recalcitrant"  (to use Sir  Harold's word), consequently came, in for the most ruthless treatment. He was presented, with a verbal ultimatum with  a time limit. If he did  not sign a successor would be appointed who would.  State Council  members were compelled to give an undertaking that they would advise  the Sultan to sign. He was told that the matter was personal and  confidential   and   so   according  to   the   tenets   of   MacMichaelian   democracy  he  was  not   to   tell   the  people  what had taken place. Certainly it was  personal. After all the politieal  power of   the Sultan   was  being transferred to the King.  The people were  not directly involved. But why all this secrecy?


And in all this Mr.  Creech-Jones  cannot  find  "any substance  in the many points that have   been  made presumably against the govern ment that we were trying in indecent  haste  to  force  the decisions out of the Sultans by  methods  which were, to say the  least reprehensible  ..... . the italks were conducted in a friendly and frank manner   and  there  was  no   uncertainty in   the  minds  of the  Sultans  as  to what the Governrnent   was   trying  to obtain."

TO WHAT  END?

There is little use in rage and recrimination.  This  is only to be  expected  when Malayan political and economic questions are debated in a parliament three thousand miles away by people  as distantly removed in nature and interest  and     who  have foisted  these reforms on the people on a purely baseless assumption ((to  again Sir  Harold's  own  words  to  the  Sultan of Selangor) that "if the rulers do not sign the Agreement  there would be  no peace in Malaya."

This  assumption is  fertile food  for  thought. Either the  Sultans form a  trade union among themselves  and hand  over their full power to the British Government  to manipulate it for them against the wish of the people for democracy in this land; or the force of democracy would soon reach heights  that    would   leave  them no place in the country.

And. if you ask Sir Harold was it really necessary to tackle the Sultans as he did, he will answer; you, like the Shakespearean  scholar  that he is, that you sometimes must be cruel to be kind. #

from "The Democrat"
edited by William Kwok and Jacko Thambo
Vol 1    No. 6  Saturday, April 13,1946.         Price 20 cts

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Index page    Baba jingles    Book review    Food guide    Foreign eye    The jungle war (9)                Letter from Pulau Tikus    MacMichael's bullying   The Straits Chinese     The wise magistrate

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