History
Malayan Democratic Socialism
The iedology of the Labout Party
|
History
Malayan Democratic Socialism The iedology of the Labout Party |
| THE IDEOLOGICAL CONSTRUCTION OF THE LABOUR PARTY OF MALAYA, 1951-1960 Tan Kim Hong Introduction The Labour Party of Malaya (LPM) was a multi-ethnic socialist party of the 1950's and 1960's grown and expanded on a broad mass base. It had impacted on Malaya's leftist movement both in theory and practice. Beginning as territorial labour parties, they were in the service of the colonial government as vehicles of New Trade Unionism to check the spread of leftist ideology in the age of Cold War. They underwent staggered experiments of party politics to amalgamate as the Pan-Malayan Labour Party, and eventually as the Labour Party of Malaya. The party posited itself as a social democratic movement with the emancipation of industrial proletariats as its long-term objective of political struggle. This article proposes to make a preliminary survey of LPM's ideological construction in the first ten years of its development. It attempts to evaluate some of its influence on the creation of a civil society in contemporary Malaysia. The Role of Territorial Labour Parties In and around June 1948 when the Emergency was proclaimed, the Malayan state collaborated closely with capital to suppress radical trade unionism. Violence and coercion were used to break up workers' unity in order to sustain tin and rubber as the two most important export commodities to strengthen the balance of payment situation of Great Britain. (Stenson, 1970:181-235; Morgan, 1977; Jomo and Todd, 1994:71-87) Meanwhile, the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) had also been split internally as a consequence of US-Soviet Union Cold War at the end of 1949. As a rival organizational entity, the anti-communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) was thus formed. In response, the WFTU and its affiliated General Trade Unions of Indonesia and Thailand sought aggressively to expand to the whole of Asia and Pacific region. With the announcement of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) that it would now form an All Races All Trade General Labour Union to unmask the 'yellow' unions and to unseat the economic base of British Empire(1), |
| the colonial government
took
immediate action to from the Singapore Trade Union Congress (STUC) and
the Malayan Trade Union Council/Congress (MTUC) as strategically
defensive measures in foiling the communist endeavour. Leaders in MTUC
were either encouraged to join the Independence of Malaya Party (IMP)
led by Dato Onn bin Jaafar or to form their own territorial Labour
Parties. The colonial state hoped to make use of these brainchildren of
John Brazier, the Trade Union Adviser, to groom a controllable moderate
trade unionism as well as to divert the leaders away from militant
leftist movements. (Stenson, 1980:186; Leong, 1988:443-445) All regional Labour Parties that came into being in this period shared some common characteristics in both their organizational pattern and ideological contents. First, their leaders were English-educated moderate leaders of MTUC; secondly, their members were largely Indian and Malay members of public service unions and thirdly, they all modeled themselves on the British Labour Party with Democratic Socialism and multi-culturalism as guiding principles. However, they might also differ from each other in the formulation and execution of policies. The Penang Labour Party, while touching on issues like self-government, spoke lavishly on moulding national consciousness and administrative reforms to help the down trodden people but tried to steer away from the core question of ending colonial rule. (Straits Echo, 16.5.1951; 17.5.1951)On the other hand, the Selangor Labour Party expressed explicitly that its primary objective was to achieve independence through constitutional means. It also clamoured for economic egalitarianism, socialization of resources of production, equitable distribution of income and wealth and further widening of political rights. (Straits Times, 24.12.1951) While giving her tacit support to territorial labour parties in their electoral activities, the colonial government however prohibited them from expanding beyond their respective geographical boundaries. Colonial officials had beyond doubt learnt their bitter lessons from post-war pan-Malayan political and social movements that had successfully exerted their influence far and wide. This deliberately designed appeasement strategy would assure them systemic stability as well as multi-lateral democracy. Restricted in this situation, the political space mustered by territorial labour parties was indeed very limited. Most of their leaders would only be able to carry out simple political discourse with their meager number of membership. It was an uphill task to transcend the existing language barrier if they ever wanted to disseminate ideas of social justice and political equality to the masses at large. Efforts and Limitations of the Pan-Malayan Labour Party The Pan-Malayan Labour Party was formed on June 26, 1952 with amalgamated membership from the Penang, Selangor and Singapore Labour Parties. It was more of a loosely knitted liaison organization rather than a rigidly structured political party. Its appearance might be overtly opportunistic and expedient in early electoral politics. Nevertheless, it attempted through this means to galvanize support in the forthcoming municipal elections. The constitution laid down its two main objectives as "(1) to co-ordinate the activities of labour and socialist organizations in Malaya in order to achieve national independence and social justice and the political, social and economic emancipation of the people and (2) to cooperate with the labour, socialist and other organizations in this and other countries with a view to promoting the purpose of the council [sic], and take common action for the promotion of a higher standard of social and economic life in general for workers." (Tan, 2000:8) |
| The party accepted all
democratic labour and socialist organizations as members. It had no
provision for individual membership. In "Towards a New Malaya" passed in September 1952, the party's first draft of policy statement officially adopted the position of a democratic socialist party. Democracy is a political order determined by popular election. It is an organized democratic assembly system under capitalism. In simple political language, Democratic Socialism will mean socialism operating in a democratic order. The party suggested that workers should be allowed to take part in the decision-making process of industrial policy by virtue of equal citizenship rights and macro-economic democracy. While peasants would possess their own land a series of social welfare measures such as greater scope of medical and health services, and new social security system and pension scheme should be introduced. The party also recognized that nationalisation should only be regarded as a means of social transformation but not an ultimate objective. The national economy would consist of public, cooperative and private enterprises as a coordinated whole. It promised to check against industrial and commercial monopolies, provide agricultural subsistence to farmers, enlarge acreage of rubber smallholdings, effectively manage the rubber industry, reform the salary structure of workers and revamp the taxation system all towards the goal of establishing and developing socialism in Malaya. The party pledged that it would enable Malayans break away from the vicious cycle of poverty and exploitation to enjoy freedom and justice. It may be said that this was an adaptation and transplant of Socialist International's Frankfurt Declaration of 1951, a theoretical experiment of the PMLP to win support of the 400,000-strong workers from the rubber plantations, tin mines, factories and offices against the exploitation of imperialism, colonialism and feudalism. (PMIP, 1953) However appealing their slogans and draft policy statement might appear to be the petit bourgeoisie leaders of PMLP lacked convincing facts and figures as well as proper discourse with the workers to obtain the latter's support. Besides, their diverse background and not-too-satisfactory leadership qualities also deterred the party from growing into a strong ideology-based socialist party accepted by all. In 1953, a small group of sixteen intellectuals from the Fabian Society of Penang joined the PMLP. These concerned professionals and teachers had been conducting regular meetings to debate on current affairs and the political future of the colony. As social democrats, they had committed themselves to social reforms. They would now plunge themselves into politics with analysis, comments and recommendations, a mode of political participation vastly different from that of the 'moderate' trade unionists prodded by the colonial circle. By early 1954, the PMLP became more akin to the British Labour Party in its theoretical orientation. It advocated gradual nationalization of production, exchange and distribution as central economic reform and the building of a welfare state couched in the principle of social justice. With its thrust on workers' welfare, this seemingly populist Guild Socialism would lose, however, its efficacy in a viable social movement in a period coloured by Cold War. In addition, the party also adopted a rhetoric approach towards the bilateral relationship between Britain and Malaya as the essential base of democratic self-rule. It would in this respect marred the true contradictory exploitative politico-economic relationship |
| between the centre and the
periphery.
This would in turn subvert the ideological constructs of
self-government and economic justice. (Vasil, 1971:101-103) Early Theoretical Construction of the Labour Party of Malaya In the Second Annual Delegates Conference of the Pan-Malayan Labour Party held in Penang on June 5, 1954, the party's name was officially changed to the Labour Party of Malaya (LPM). The conference also endorsed the eight objectives of the new constitution. Other than enunciating its status as a political organization to unite the workers and the peasants in the Federation of Malaya, it also expressed its wish to join hands with socialist and cooperative bodies to struggle for a united, independent and democratic nation. It vowed that it would" secure for the workers who work by hand or by brain the full fruits of their industry and the most equitable distribution thereof that may be possible, upon the basis of the common ownership of the means pf production, distribution and exchange and the best obtainable system of popular administration and control of each industry or service", and would also "promote the political, social and economic emancipation of the people and more particularly of those who depend directly upon their own exertions by hand or by brain for the means of life." (Tan, 2000:10) When the first Federal Election was held at the end of July,1955, LPM presented in the party manifesto its notion of socialist economic reform. It put forward publicly the following suggestions: (1) To implement planned economy to fulfill needs of the Malayan people. All exploitation of the workers should be stopped and all monopolistic and inefficient industries should be nationalised; (2) To amend the Labour Law and the Trade Union Ordinance. All unions to enjoy the full rights of free assemblies and political participation; (3) To provide the poor with legal assistance; (4) To solve problems of unemployment, and to enforce minimum wage and parity for women workers; (5) To resolve issue of land indebtedness, and to assist peasants with land, agricultural cooperatives, agricultural banks and collective farms; (6) To promote local industries with tariff protection; (7) To establish a Central Bank to regulate circulation of money and (8) To implement compulsory free primary education, and to develop secondary schools and tertiary education. (Straits Times, 10.5.1955) Speaking on behalf of the LPM over Radio Malaya, Miss P.GLim emphatically declared that the party's objective was to create a society in Malaya which would regard the welfare of the working people as the welfare of the state. (Josey, 1957:101) Though practical and far-sighted, the LPM policy was not well received by the four constituencies the party contested. With the exception of Georgetown and Kuala Lumpur South where the urban electorates had given their respective support of 26% and 15%, the party's influence in Perak continued to be very restricted and weak. After much painful post mortem analysis, the party leadership decided to retire from electoral politics for the time being to give priority to strengthening its mass base and organizational set-up. Its focal point now began to zoom specifically towards socialism |
| and nationalism as
vehicles to unite the
Malayan people for self-government and independence. With the arrival of independence, social mobilisation and political modernization had invariably fermented political consciousness as well as primodialism. Two main streams of social movement had now surfaced to make their impact. One was the Chinese school student movement which emerged as a result ofhuoju yundong_(the Torch Movement) and nation-wide strikes of the 1950's. The other was the workers' movement built around economic grievances and social contradiction. As elsewhere, the two converged to become important components of a new Socialist Youth League. The League had not only given new lease of life to the Left and its ideology but was also highly important as additional boost to activities of LPM and Partai Rakyat. By way of theoretical interaction and organizational collaboration between the League and trade unions, LPM was much assisted in accelerating its influence in the urban enclaves of Malaya's political landscape. LPM had , on its part, rendered material and legal help to students and workers alike. This bilateral relationship would in the end witness the party building up its image and popularity in Penang, Kuala Lumpur, Klang, Muar and Johore Bahru. It had also enabled the party scoring the first victory in the Municipal Council election of Georgetown, Penang winning five out of the nine elected seats. The victory was admittedly quite limited in terms of electoral influence and power. It nevertheless carried some political significance for the future. First, it would strengthen the multi-ethnic mass base of LPM in Penang heralding its dream of ruling the Municipal Council for the people. Secondly, it had also consolidated the leading role of Penang Division in the national hierarchy of LPM to contribute towards the theory and practice of socialism in independent Malaya. When Malaya became independent on August 31,1957 a new political coalition between LPM and Partai Rakyat under the style of the Malayan People's Socialist Front also made its debut on the same day. Legitimately registered on July 26, 1958, the Front became the second legal political alliance that transcended communal frontiers in post-war Malaya. It was jointly founded as a peasant-worker united front by LPM and Partai Rakyat.(2) In time to come, this new multi-ethnic coalition would aggressively present itself as a bastion against colonialism and feudalism in its struggle for a Socialist Malaya. It would also promote political, social and economic emancipation of the general masses. In early 1959, the Socialist Front issued a policy statement entitled Towards a New Malaya as a blueprint on how socialism could best be achieved in Malaya. It was based on some brief outline first sketched out by Partai Rakyat, and was almost singularly completed by Lim Kean Siew in August 1958. After being endorsed by a six-men sub-committee, it became a text of political education as well as a manual of action for all its leaders and members. It was more than extracts from Western socialist literature. It was indeed an important political document of the Left on how socialism could be indigenized to become Malayan in contents and action. As an official statement, it set in full on party policy, party construction and party discipline. (Tan, 2000:61 -90) The Front was fully aware of its arduous tasks ahead. It knew that it required long, long years to promote and develop socialism in Malaya. It might need the assiduous efforts |
| of a few generations to
respond to
the call of time and also to organize people's wisdom and strength for
a common cause. The policy statement had at its outset spelled
out explicitly that the Socialist Front was "a democratic socialist
organization believing in the achievement of power in a democratic
state by peaceful, non-violent, democratic and constitutional means."
It gave recognition to the Malay Language as the national language. The
language was at the same time a common language of the workers and the
peasants to establish an identity for a united nation-state. The party
would like all Malayans to approach issues of the nation and its
economy from a socialist perspective. True democracy and freedom were
also deemed necessary. The Policy Statement had blended principles with practice with some flexibility. It outlined the Front's analysis and suggestions on national language, art and literature, education, aborigines, land, Malay land reservation, plantations and mines, fisheries, labour and social welfare and defence and foreign policies. In the field of economics, the Front put forth a programme which was based on non-exploitation and socialistic principles. To move towards economic independence and complete socialism, economic entities would undergo three stages of change. First, all national capitalists must be organized and recruited to work under a planned system and to take over from foreign interests. Next, these capitalists would be absorbed into planned socialist economy under a socialist government for the establishment of national enterprises. Finally, the socialist government would directly assume control of all such national enterprises accomplishing the ultimate aim of nationalisation. (Tan, 2000: 76) Economic transformation following such a course would ensure that our natural resources would meet the needs of the country and its people and not to benefit only a limited number of international interest groups. It would also at the same time accelerate land and agricultural developments to stimulate in turn expansion of cooperatives and optimal utilization of natural resources. Besides, class antagonism would be minimized to the lowest possible level with both the capitalists and the workers integrated in a planned process of economic and social modernization. Having nurtured itself with structural reorganization and ideological education, LPM was now quite ready to put its socialist agenda to test in the local council and town council elections of the late 1950's. It had the ambition of controlling some local authorities so as to carry out the people-centred policies of the Socialist Front. Secondly, electioneering would be able to educate, unite and mobilize the masses for the noble cause of enlarging the space of socialist influence across the country. Internally, active participation in election campaigns would also assess the ideological quality and working capability of party cadres. It was with this understanding and determination that LPM and the Socialist Front eventually achieved power in the City Council of Georgetown, and the local councils in Jinjang, Serdang, Tanjung Sepat, Pengkalan Titi and elsewhere. In the Federal Election of 1959, LPM and the Socialist Front convinced the electorate of the general benefits of a socialist planned economy. With catching broad objectives such as "Economic sovereignty demands national control of our economy." and "The people's sovereignty demands the destruction of exploitive relationship." The front's manifesto had its economic programme explicitly outlined thus: |
| "The emphasis of our
economic programme must be (i) expansionist (ii)
aimed towards eradication of unemployment which is now a means of
bargaining for oppressor organizations which treat labour as a
commodity whose price depends upon the ration of supply to demand." "Diversion of a portion of our trade to ensure our ability to move both economically and politically with full sovereignty" and "The creation of a national bank so that no block has the power to bankrupt us by refusing key economic functions in times of crisis." (Tan, 2000:210-211) There were pledges of more land for all and guarantee of plantation workers' rights in management, employment and health. The manifesto also cautioned the electorate against the danger of communalism, despotism and religious fanaticism. It wanted no constitutional amendments without a mandate from the people. "A vote for the Socialist Front is a vote for economic independence.", it proudly declared. (Tan, 2000:204) The Socialist Front had made important gains in the mixed constituencies of Selangor, Johore and Penang. In terms of percentage of valid votes obtained, the Front had been able to muster a total 34.6% in constituencies contested. (Means, 1976:253) This moderate achievement demonstrated quite convincingly that it had by then become a dynamic non-communal alternative in Malayan politics. With such encouraging electoral performance in the first all important parliamentary election after Merdeka, Lim Kean Siew, the Front's Secretary-General presented his views on the tasks ahead for all socialists in a speech delivered to the Socialist Club of University of Malaya in Singapoe on November 12, 1959. Entitled The Role of the Socialists in Malaya Today, the speech highlighted five major tasks thus: 1. Destroy the remnants of Imperialism 2. Unite the peasantry and the proletariat 3. Establish national consciousness 4. Set up a genuine democratic state 5. Establish Socialism in the state He spoke at great length to elaborate on first, how the political, economic and cultural remnants of Imperialism had delayed our national development to continue their exploitive grip on Malaya which in turn had "torn the people apart. Second, peasantry-proletariat unity was necessary for growth of true Malayan democracy and the ultimate triumph of socialism. Third, national consciousness could help to destroy the continued exploitation of the peasantry and proletariat by chauvinist feudalists and capitalists. Fourth, a genuine democracy would rid the country of all suppressive laws to satisfy people's needs and wishes. Lastly, a socialist world would be the new brave world of the people. (Nyala, 1.9.1960) |
| Similar views were also
expressed in the inaugural issue of Nyala dated
August 1,1960. The vision of a socialist Malaya was captured in an
important article named Can Socialism be Realized in Malaya? as follows: 1. Complete economic independence with legislative guarantee of equal distribution of national wealth and eradication of exploitation and oppression. 2. A planned economy and a government of the people. 2. Eradication of unemployment, social ills and crimes. 3. Rapid economic growth and higher standard of living. The article concluded with a recapitulation of Lim Kean Siew's five major tasks. It is apparent that the ideological construction of LPM had now been gradually changed to transform the party into an all-encompassing social reform movement. The party was no more the past loose organization that preoccupied itself with workers' welfare. It was very much aware of Malaya's model of dependent growth. It had now begun to agitate for economic and political emancipation. It wanted Malaya to chart her own path of development with an end to mixed economy and market regulation. On crossing the threshold of the 60's, the LPM was compelled to concentrate its efforts on analyzing the concept of Greater Malaysia. It attempted to unearth the root causes of such a move by the ruling regime. It now busied itself with the issuing of theoretical rejoinders and the planning of practical moves. With a Joint Conference of Socialist Parties in the Five States at the door, any ideological construction exercise had to be expeditiously stalled at the previous level for the sake of greater intra-regional socialist unity, and feasible joint action against the political merger of Malaya, Singapore and the three Bornean states before ascertaining people's wish and aspirations. Conclusion The Labour Party of Malaya had relied its understanding of socialism on the political philosophy and economic principles expounded and practised by Western social democrats, especially those in the welfare states. These were essentially reformist programmes to rectify the ills of advanced capitalist societies. In its theoretical search for a viable policy alternative, the experience of Scientific Socialism in Soviet Russia and China had also been a useful frame of reference. The first ten years of LPM witnessed the concerted efforts made by the party to adapt western Democratic Socialism to Malayan reality. The evolutionary process took a course of pinching of phrases from the constitution of British Labour Party and the Frankfurt Declaration of Socialist International to a policy statement of building a new socialist Malaya. |
| Operating under existing
political harassment and
social constraints, the party could only at best attain some limited
aspects of Socialist Front's policy statement in municipal and local
councils under its control, especially in the City Council of
Georgetown, Penang.(3) However, the early intellectual effort of
LPM should be accorded with due recognition. First, it had enriched the
ideological contents of the constitutional Left in post-war Malaysia.
Secondly, it had paved the way to a new social movement in the 1980's
with a political philosophy to effect social justice, economic
democracy and political participation essential for the creation of a
civil society. Bibliography 1. Jasey, Alex, 1957 Socialism in Asia. Singapore: Donald Moore 2. Jomo, K.S. and Todd, P. 1994.Trade Unions and the State in Peninsular Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. 3. LeongYeeFong, 198 8 The Shaping of Labour and Trade Unionism in Colonial Malaya, 1946-1957, PhD Thesis, University of Malaya. 4. - 1992 "The Impact of the Cold War on the Development of Trade Unionism, 1948-1957" Journal of Southeast Asia Studies,Vol.23, No. 1:60-73 5. Means, Gordon, 1976 Malaysian Politics, London:Hodder and Stoughton 6. Morgan, M.,1977 "The Rise and Fall of Malayan Trade Unionism, 1945-50" in Mohamed Amin and Caldwell, M.(eds) Malaya.The Making of a Colony. Nottingham spokesman Books 7. Stenson, M.R. 1980 Class, Race and Colonialism in West Malaysia: The Indian Case, Queensland: Queensland University Press 8. Vasil, R.K. 1971 Politics in a Plural Society. Singapore: Oxford University Press 9. Tan Kim Hong (ed.) (P££fJ£E±£i) 2000 Malaiya Laogongdang Wenxian Huipian 2j% M % X % X SK ?C 31 (The Labour Party of Malaya 1952-1972 : Selected Documents), Kuala Lumpur: Party History Working Committee, Labour Party of Malaya 10. Lin Ziliang & Hong Senghe (eds) (W^S ^^^±li) Lishi de Fangge m$L ftWit (Songs of History), Penang : Party History Working Committee, Penang Division, Labour Party of Malaya Notes 1 C0717/183/52754 quoted from Leong,1992 : 67. 2 The Socialist Youth League of Malaya was expected to join as the Front's third component. It was however deprived of its political choice when it was prohibited by the Home Ministry on October 1, 1958. 3 For pictures of development programmes aimed at improving the quality of life in Georgetown, see Lin and Hong (eds), 2001: 22-25 Tan Kim Hong, was Head, Chinese Heritage Centre, Han Chiang College Go to the top |
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