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Culture
Rojak Market
English
Tan Sooi Beng Part Two: Forging New Expressions |
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II
Ethnic Consciousness and Revival of the Performing Arts in the 1970s and 1980s THE CHINESE PERFORMING ARTS experienced a revival in the 1970s and 1980s. This was mainly a result of the rise of ethnic consciousness and the implementation of new policies by the government following the 1969 racial riots. In particular, the New Economic Policy and the National Culture Policy (which were interpreted by many Chinese groups as an attempt by the government to curb non-Malay rights and cultures as well as to assimilate the Chinese), made the Chinese even more aware of their separate identity. Cultural groups began to consolidate and to stress their "traditional" culture as symbols of ethnicity. Traditional cultural emblems such as the Chinese opera, lion dance and other Chinese performing arts experienced a revival. Consequently, the number of Chinese operatic performances increased considerably especially during major Chinese festivals such as the P'or Tor. As local troupes were few in number and most of them did not live up to the expectations of the older opera audience, entire Teochew opera troupes were "imported" from Thailand, while individual Hong Kong actors and actresses were contracted to perform with local Cantonese troupes. Troupes from Singapore were also brought into Penang. They were richer and could afford new and sparkling costumes which audiences looked for. In fact, imported troupes were always of higher status and "more appropriately" offered to the deities (Tan 1980). Contemporary devices were introduced by local opera troupes to cater to the changing tastes and interests of the young and to attract them to the opera. The Cantonese opera added western instruments such as the saxophone, violin and guitar to its Chinese ensemble. The glove puppet theatre often included the bass guitar. The Hokkien opera offered 1-2 hour renditions of Western and Chinese popular songs by Western-attired singers accompanied by electric bands before the opera proper began. Innovations introduced into the Hokkien opera included using colloquial dialect, expanding joking sequences and fighting scenes and dressing up the stars in flashy costumes. The ko-tai was given a new lease of life by an entrepreneur and performer called Lau Ping in the 1970s. By declaring that the purpose of the ko-tai was purely one of entertaining the deities (and by extension the public), Lau Ping set about introducing the latest popular songs and comic sketches portraying urban social issues into the ko-tai. In effect, Lau Ping' s troupe linked the modern theatre form to religious festivals for the first time. Consequently, the ko-tai which was performed during religious festivals began attracting large crowds, particularly the young. In turn, the audiences for the opera which alternated with the ko-tai during these festivals (as in the case of the Phor Tor celebration) also increased in numbers (Tan 1984). |
With large crowds of Chinese gathered, inevitably, Chinese politicians, educationists and cultural activists turned up at the Chinese festivals especially the Phor Tor. The celebrations became occasions for them to address the perennial issues of Chinese education and culture. Ostensibly involved in raising funds for Chinese schools (Hun Bin Primary School) and other charitable projects (such as the Lam Wah Ee Hospital), they would also highlight the plight of Chinese schools which received minimal government financial support and the predicament of Chinese culture in Malaysia which was excluded from consideration as part of official national culture. Although public rallies and meetings to discuss these issues would rarely be allowed by the government, the issues of Chinese education and culture were repeatedly and openly raised amidst the ko-tai and opera in various parts of Penang throughout the seventh month (Tan 1988). A greater sense of Chinese identity and unity was evident. Consequently, cultural group; which were different in political orientation began to highlight common objectives: "healthy culture" as opposed to "yellow culture" (especially since Hong Kong Cantonese serials and Cantopop had become popular); Chinese culture generally; and close ties among their members. These cultural groups often shared scores and musicians and even put on joint productions. Such joint production; provided the opportunity for members of different cultural groups to interact especially during the period of preparation for the concert when practices were held almost everyday. Aware of the need for local relevance, the Chinese cultural groups have consciously incorporated Malay and Indian folk music, dances and Malaysian dramatic themes into their performances. Although the Chinese orchestra's repertoire reflected the contemporary trends in mainland Chinese music, local pieces also emerged. Some folk songs such as Tanah Air Ku, Air Didik and Inang Cina (arranged by Lee Soo Sheng of Alor Star) and new compositions incorporating local dance rhythms like Malay Dance based on the ronggeng rhythm (by Saw Yeong Chin of Penang) were played. Conscious efforts were made to learn Malay, Indian and Indonesian dances. Sketches with local social themes like increasing consumerism in Malaysian society were promoted. For example, in Qiong Qing's play Lucky Draw performed in Penang in 1981, a lower income city dweller drinks fizzy bottled drinks, and eats instant noodles everyday in order to collect enough tokens to take part in the Lucky Draw of a supermarket. What did he win at the end? Gastritis! |
Responses to Modernity and Globalization in the 1990s and the Turn of the Millennium (i) Upgrading Standards Compared to the 1970s and early 1980s, the question of national culture seems to create less controversy and has become less politicized since the 1990s. In fact, there appears to be a liberalization of government policies towards non-Malay language, education and culture. There are more Chinese language programmes on privatised television channels and the satellite network ASTRO. Cultural performances during National Day celebrations and Visit Malaysia campaigns include some Chinese items. Tourism brochures promote certain aspects of Chinese culture to attract the tourist ringgit. Particular Chinese cultural groups receive partial funding from the State Performing Arts Committee under Dato Kee Phaik Cheen.
Chinese amateur cultural groups have emphasized that the promotion and preservation of the Chinese performing arts must go hand in hand with upgrading standards of the performances. Raising the quality of performances will also raise the status of the Chinese performing arts and attract bigger audiences in Malaysia. In order to upgrade and promote the huayue tuan in Penang, the Penang State Chinese Orchestra (Penang State Huayue Orchestra) was formed in 1998.
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It is the only Chinese orchestra in Malaysia which receives sponsorship from a state government. It comprises the best performers from fifteen Chinese orchestras in Penang (SMJK Chung Ling Butterworth, SMJK Chung Ling Pulau Pinang, SM Chung Ling Persendirian, SMJK Jit Sin Bukit Mertajam, SM Jit Sin Persendirian, SMJK Perempuan Cina. SMJK Union. SMJK Heng Ee, SMJK Phor Tay. SMJK Chung Hwa Confucian. SMJK Convent Datuk Keramat, SM Han Chiang Persendirian, SMJK Sacred Heart Balik Pulau, Pusat Muzik Chong Yee, Hui Yin She).
Led by Lim Soon Oo, the Resident Conductor, the Huayue Orchestra's performances are formal and attention is paid to technique and musical quality. The pieces include traditional Han repertory arranged for Chinese orchestra and new compositions using the musical elements of China' s national minorities by contemporary composers of China. The orchestra also plays other foreign and locally arranged materials. Prominent Chinese soloists such as Feng Shaoxian (yueqin), Ming Huifen (er-hu) and Yang Wei (pipa ) are invited to perform with the orchestra. As audiences include Malay state dignitaries and Chinese who do not speak Mandarin, announcements and program notes are in Mandarin and Malay. Chinese orchestras in Penang also realize that in order to be relevant and to attract bigger audiences, they have to be less dependent on China, Hong Kong or Taiwan for new compositions. Malay folk songs such as Burung Kakak Tua, Kenek-kenek Udang, Chan Mali Chan and Potong Padi are included in the huayue tuan repertoire. Potong Padi combines the Malay kompang with Chinese instruments. Malay popular songs such as Getaran Jiwa by P. Ramlee have also been arranged for the Chinese orchestra. |
Although new local compositions are staged and created, Chinese performing artists continue to be inspired by music troupes from China which have been allowed to tour Malaysia in recent times with the establishment of ties between China and Malaysia. Concerts which are of high quality have helped to raise the status of Chinese music and have stimulated interests among the Chinese community in Penang and in Malaysia. Additionally, youths have been inspired and encouraged to actively learn and master Chinese instruments as they are exposed to virtuoso performances by local musicians who have been trained at conservatoires in China. Recent returnees include Lim Soon Lay (er-hu conductor) and Loke Bok Kun (dizi) from the Shanghai Conservatory of Music and Ch' ng Li Na (yangqin) from the Music Academy of China in Beijing. Chinese-medium schools such as the thirteen schools mentioned above play increasingly important roles in promoting Chinese music particularly the huayue tuan to the younger generation in the 1990s. In fact, SMJK Jit Sin has produced some of the best Chinese instrumentalists in Penang. Credit must also be given to the handful of local conductors such as Lim Soon Oo, Lim Soon Huat, Lim Soon Lee, Lai Ah Lai, Goh Wei Sim, Huang Shi Guang and Saw Yeong Chin who travel from school to school to run practice sessions throughout the year. (ii) Global culture With the development of new types of communication such as satellite television, internet, video, karaoke and compact and laser discs, a type of Chinese transnational culture has spread quickly and dominated most parts of Malaysia in the 1990s including Penang. Video serial programs such as The Last Sakura and Bodyguards - Jade Dolls and video clips featuring popular songs by transnational stars such as Alan Tham and Jackie Cheung from Hong Kong mesmerize audiences. Chinese transnational culture spread at a massive rate in the 1990s mainly because of mass advertizing campaigns by distribution outlets set up throughout the world. In fact, Malaysia has become a major producer of Chinese transnational culture. Cantonese serials such as Juara - The Champion (with scenes of Proton Sagas in Kuala Lumpur) produced in Malaysia and recordings of pop songs by Malaysian singers such as Eric Moo, Michael and Victor and Ah Gu are popular in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore and other parts of the world where Chinese live. Chinese Malaysians participate in a new "travelling" transnational culture which is shared by Chinese all over the world (Yang 1997). As the younger generation are attracted to Chinese transnational culture, the ko-tai performances at temple festivals have been converted to pop song and karaoke sessions in the 1990s. Youths are drawn to the religious festivals as they can now sing the latest Chinese hits from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia and other parts of the world by participating in the karaoke sessions. Sometimes, when Chinese opera and ko-tai troupes are not available, video clips of excerpts of Chinese opera stories followed by those of transnational pop stars and other movies are shown during religious festivals. |
In response to global transnational culture predominating in Penang, there has occurred a renewed interest and a general revival of Chinese "tradition" especially among a growing middle class of English and Malay-educated
professionals, businessmen and educators. By returning to the past and tradition, cultural enthusiasts in Penang are often looking for the roots they have lost and are asserting their identity. Parents from middle-class families who do not know Mandarin often send their children to music centres to learn Chinese musical instruments such as the guzheng, pipa, yangqin or the erhu.At the same time, we see a growing trend at preserving selected folk "traditions" which are lifted out of their original contexts and recreated. Packaged pastiche art forms have been developed and have become the staples for the tourism industry and state related ceremonies. The Chinese New Year Open House organized by the hotels of Penang at the Khoo Kongsi in 1993 is an example of this pastiche packaging. Tourists and guests were greeted by a spectacle of sixty drummers lining the street leading to the Khoo Kongsi, followed by a cultural show featuring Chinese lion and dragon dances, music, dance and acrobatic acts. Present were also a Chinese calligrapher, clog maker, coconut carver, fortune teller and hawker stalls {The Star, 12 Feb. 1993).
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___________ Editorial note By "returnees" the author means those who returned home after studies abroad P'or tor A term originating in Buddhism whereby prayers are made for the spirits of those unburied and drowned at sea. In the 7th lunar month the festival is elaborately celebrated by the Penang Hokkiens and Babas with offerings of food and clothing for those who had the misfortune to die without relatives. The Cantonese call it siew yee, the burning of clothes, when clothes are offered to the unburied, a simpler celebration
**************** Acknowledgements
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