History 3
Clan jetties
Dr Chan Lean Heng
|
History 3
Clan jetties
Dr Chan Lean Heng |
|
Part 2 The Japanese occupation The Japanese occupation brought the first economic disruption to the then stabilizing economic livelihood. After the invasion, minimal trading continued. Smaller vessels from Hong Kong, Indonesia and Thailand came. Most of these vessels were smuggling rice. Many of the jetty folks became engaged in ‘buying and selling' of essential items like foodstuff, which often were smuggled goods as well, particularly rice. This was how the reputation of the jetties as a smuggling area originated. The Japanese occupation also changed significantly the role of the womenfolk. Prior to it the role of ‘rice-earner' fell entirely on the men. The women were confined to housekeeping and childbearing. However, with the Japanese Occupation, the source of income of the males was badly affected as most of the trading activities were at a standstill. Because of this, the women had to seek ways of augmenting the household income. The womenfolk were very enterprising, cashing in on any opportunity available, as illustrated by the example below: ".. During the Japanese Occupation I bought and sold rice and other provisions, smuggled goods across to Butterworth and distilled samsu (rice wine) for sale. With the help of my children, I used to buy rice from the boats and bring it out to sell. On average we could sell about three gantangs a day without being noticed. From the profit I was able to buy some other food and vegetables for the children .. I used to wear as many as eight pairs of slacks and smuggle them across to Butterworth. On one occasion a Malay woman customs officer became suspicious of the bulk around me and discovered the slacks. She wanted to fine me M$250.00. I told her I did not have the money. Then she said that since I could not pay the fine I had to be arrested. I was willing to go. Then she asked how much money I had on me, so I poured out everything from my purse, which added up to M$24.00 only. She took all the money and wanted to confiscate the slacks as well. I threatened that I would jump into the sea if she did so. After sitting for a few hours she asked me again whether M$24.00 was really all that I had. I boldly asked her to search me again if she was not satisfied, though there was some money hidden in my belt. She took the M$24.00 and reluctantly released me with the slacks. In one day I used to make two to three trips across Butterworth starting as early as six in the morning. Distilling samsu (rice wine) was another illegal activity I had to do. I did it myself in the bathroom while another man from the jetty did the sale. I was distilling samsu for more than two years before I was caught. The samsu was sold for medicinal purposes. .. All in all I made a few hundred dollars a year from all these. Otherwise how could my family have survived?.." |
Return of the British With the return of the British administration in 1946 trading activities were slowly re-established. As this gained momentum, the jetty folks resumed their traditional occupations. Over time, the women and children as well were absorbed into the flourishing port-generated economic activities. For those involved in servicing smaller vessels, this was a period of boom up to the 1960s. Even though there was a general decline in the traditional entreport trade, the coastal barter trade with Sumatra flourished. As a result of Indonesia's complete break in relations with the Netherlands in 1961, tin ore previously exported to Holland for smelting was sent to Penang instead. The demand for and earnings of cargo handlers was so lucrative that some jetties, like the Chew Jetty became the contact base and employment site for their clansmen from outside the jetty as well. The entreport trade also generated many other subsidiary employment opportunities, especially for the women and children. This was the initial incorporation of the jetty economy into the urban informal sector, though they were all centred round and generated from port related activities. The women would undertake to prepare meals and do laundry for the ships crew, wash the ships' decks, grade onions etc. The children performed errands such as carrying their parcels or picking vegetables that were dropped along the jetty thoroughfare. Many of the Indonesian vessels apparently brought gunny sacks of fresh vegetables to be sold locally as well as for re-export to Singapore and Hong Kong. One of them describes it as follows: ".. sometimes the fresh vegetables spilled onto the jetty and as children we were told to collect them. The better ones my mother would use for our meals. Some fresh vegetables were also dropped from the bundles purchased for the ships before they began on their next trip .." The nature of the sampan ferry service and cargo handling necessitated internal collaboration and organization (see Chan 1980: 97-99; 166-170). The ‘pan-keo' system and ‘coolie kongsi' brought in some form of structured co-operation to play its role in reinforcing the centripetal orientation of the jetty community. The spin-off from this also helped establish a common jetty fund, like in the Chew Jetty. It helped to maintain some mutual interdependence, and a sense of community spirit and pride, especially during the annual religious celebrations. Up to this period the jetties were rather closed communities as their lives revolved around the jetty, and their economic and social needs were catered for by their clan organization in the jetty. The jetty was all their economic, social and cultural life. |
|
Loss of free port Sampan ferry service and cargo handling were the predominant occupations up to the early 1960s for the Lees, Ongs, Lims and Chews. The Koays, Tans and Yeohs were largely involved in the firewood and charcoal trade. This was primarily due to the physical proximity to the storage grounds for firewood and charcoal. However, this pattern has changed drastically. Since the 1960s, there has been a major restructuring of occupations in the jetties following changes in the organisation of the port and its trading activities. From being port and sea-dependent, many of the jetty residents have had to move out to earn a living. Changes in the port administration like the incorporation of the port into the Malayan Customs Union, the establishment and development of other ports brought a decline in the volume of trade and related economic activities. Cargo handling ended completely when the government officially closed all cargo handling in the Chinese jetties in Weld Quay. The inception of the Port Labour Board in 1965 required all port stevedores to be recruited by and registered with the Board culminated the termination of the jetties traditional occupation and their collective clan-based work organization. The loss of Penang's free port status in 1969 also affected the sampan ferry service as shipping vessels no longer found it attractive to stop by Penang. Subsequently, unemployment for the men set in. The varied economic activities of the women and children also ended. Many of the jetty folks capitalized on their location at the foreshore and sea-faring skills they had and turned to fishing (trawling). Many also moved out to seek employment on land. The jetties also opened up as a place of work for non-clansmen especially in the case of fishing where outside technical assistance and investment was sought. Soon the jetty also became a place of residence for outsiders. The rents were welcomed supplements to household income. While a couple of jetties like the Chew benefited for a short period from a sudden influx of Taiwan and Korean trawlers calling at Penang to discharge their catch for export. However, the imposition of a ban by the government in 1976 on Taiwanese crew from coming ashore (Straits Echo , 5th June 1976) made it pointless for them to stop over in Penang since they could not come ashore for entertainment or the purchase of fresh supplies and provisions. An increase in general port charges and duties and inflation, further diverted these trawlers to Singapore instead. Starting from mid-70s, most of the jetty clansmen could no longer rely on the port or the sea for their economic livelihood. They had to turn outside for employment. With the almost total loss of easily accessible occupations which were in one way or another related to their ecological niche, the jetty folks were forced into the sphere of small scale pursuits in the so-called informal sector within the surrounding urban areas which form the historical commercial centre of Penang. Given the commercial and service oriented nature of economic activities in the urban centre the easiest form of absorption was therefore in petty trade, small scale processing industries and consumption services concerned with the processing and production of food. Their low levels of formal education and lack of vocational and technical skills blocked their entry into the urban corporate sector. The current occupational structure of the jetties shows a high degree of incorporation into the surrounding urban economy through a concentration primarily in the informal sector occupations. Only a very small minority found jobs in the lower levels of blue-collar wage-employment. The general increase in economic problems and hardships had obvious effects on the social and communal life of the clan communities. Previous forms of economic cooperation had broken down. Faced with unemployment and the inaccessibility of alternative jobs, people became more self-centered and individualistic. Economic differentiation became more pronounced. On the one hand, there was the small minority who had successfully tapped the benefits of previous boom periods. These people had not channeled back their capital for the generation of other benefits to the community. The majority eked out a living by selling their labour in small industries of the informal sector or precariously engaged in some form of self-employment. |
| Social-cultural
disintegration Except for the Mixed Surname Jetty, each jetty settlement used to be an exclusive clan commune. Residence according to patrilineage was still upheld until the early 1960s. The jetties were more than a residential base for their respective ‘chin tong' (kinsmen). Kinship determined access to work opportunities as well. As a clan community each jetty settlement had an exclusive identity and solidarity derived from kinship and in the collective communal worship of their clan deity. Each jetty settlement functioned as a corporate unit as well. It owned common property and protected its own clansmen against outsiders. Internal differentiation within the jetty clan was not so obvious. There was more homogeneity than differences. Those who were in a more superior status (richer) were the patrons or providers of employment. Work and social life centred around and within each of the jetty as a clan community. Social life and contacts were restricted largely within the confines of the jetty. Changes in the social (kinship) structure of the community, including patterns of social interaction and relationships started to set in from the early 1960s. With the deteriorating economic situation, the jetty folks were forced to seek employment outside their original work bases as well as opening up the jetty to outsiders. Outside employment exposed the jetty folks to the larger world beyond the jetty. Other aspects of social life also subsequently began to expand outside the jetty area. This change in the social life became more pronounced as peer groups and friendship circles developed outside of the jetty. Responses and adaptation to the economic decline have also similarly affected social patterns of family and community life. The sum result of all these was that lineage and descent could no longer form the over-riding basis for access to employment and residence in the jetties. Consequently it also lost its effectiveness as a rallying force in the organization of the community. As a result the social fabric of the community became undermined. With increasing difficulties of economic survival, large extended households diffused into smaller units. In the past, each family was related directly to the clan lineage. In order to work or live in the jetty, one had to be a clansman. Patrilocality was the customary practice and understood ruling. Today however, with the inclusion of surname residents who are not necessarily lineage kinsmen, the jetties have become more mixed in terms of kinship composition. Daughters bring in husbands to stay, while outsiders are allowed to let or sub-let rooms to augment their income. Thus, residence is no longer restricted to patrilocality. The jetties no longer function as lineage or clan settlements even though they continue to be named and referred as such. In some jetties, as a result of attempts to curb further disintegration of the community, certain forms of internal re-organization especially in relation to the functioning and maintenance of the jetty were revived and reconstituted. In some situations, communal workshops received an impetus as in the case of Chew Jetty whose communal offerings to "Tn'ee Kong" (Heavenly Father) have increased in scale and popularity over the years. In fact this annual commemoration is highly publicized as a cultural (religious) event and tourist attraction for Penang. Sad to say, this event seems to be the only surviving communal practice, and only found in Chew Jetty. |
| A dying communal
site It is apparent that the clan jetty, like any other minority cannot resist the march of events in the larger globalising society and sustain itself in an enclave of traditions. Over the past century new forms of community adaptation, remodeling and reconstitution of previous forms of social organization have evolved. These processes are in many ways conserving tendencies that may prolong the religious life, and hence cultural identity, of some jetties, as evident in the case of Chew Jetty. However, the breakdown of the cohesive function of kinship and growing stratification as well as increasing differences, will continue to prevail. This will ultimately lead to the final breakdown of the clan jetties as social-cultural communities. As already evident, most of the clan jetties merely continue to persist as low cost housing for the urban poor in Penang. Unless a more robust regeneration of communal life is rejuvenated, the social-cultural distinctiveness of the clan jetties will soon dissipate into an amorphous floating population of low income Penangites. If it is desirable to conserve the identities and histories of communal sites like the clan jetties, how best can such efforts be carried out? What will be a viable and sustainable approach which can provide a respectful and inclusive space for all the diverse cultural/ethnic groups and minorities, in the context of a shrinking Penang where land for development and redevelopment is always contested? How can preservation really celebrate the lives of the people affected? How can preservation benefit the local population and tourists alike? Some concrete proposals are delineated in the next section. The issue of preserving Penang's heritage is not a new concern. Consumer and environment groups like Consumers Association of Penang have long advocated the preservation of Penang's heritage. The Penang Heritage Trust has started to restore historical buildings of architectural value and historic monuments. However, it is only through the recent Penang Story community project that the neglect of our cultural legacy has been made more apparent. The degeneration and precarious state of the Chinese surname clan jetties as described in the first section portrays the reality of historical cultural communities in the face of modernity. In fact the Clan Jetties of Weld Quay is one of the very few communal sites that have stayed intact for over a century and survived the threat of urban development even though the cultural practices and social institutions that see to their daily functioning as a communal site are fast disappearing. Many other communal sites like the Persian, Jewish or Japanese enclaves have already vanished from the current urban and cultural landscape of Penang. Even the street names that marked their residential presence in those milieus have been replaced. Once removed, the tangible link or evidence of their social-cultural history will be erased for future generations. These parts of our cultural heritage cannot be reinstated and may not be recovered in time to come. In fact, the multi-cultural legacy of Penang is often forgotten given the hegemonic construction of pluralism in Malaysia vis-à-vis the three major ethnic groups of Malays, Chinese, and Indians. Thus the need and value of reclaiming our multi-cultural heritage is imminent. The significance of restoring and protecting our cultural capital is therefore apparent. Its rationale, which has engaged extensive deliberation elsewhere is not the scope of this paper. |
The meaning of conservation The different local communities colloquia of the Penang Story project have created a public space for rediscovering the histories of the various historical and contemporary communal sites especially those that are no longer distinctively occupying a specific locale. The various community stories have collectively unraveled the interesting, yet almost forgotten social-historical processes that have shaped the cultural and physical landscape of early Penang and their respective contributions in Penang's development as a global multi-cultural port city. Indeed the colloquia have stimulated tremendous interest, memories and insights. Not only that. The urgency for a more thorough and permanent recovery to commemorate the diverse cultural heritage of these various historical communities is being realised. How can this be achieved? What forms will be viable and desirable? Who will, should and can be persuaded to take part in these efforts? The final section of this paper attempts to address these questions through some guiding principles and concrete proposals. These ideas are not necessarily new or earth shattering. Neither do they claim to be exhaustive or comprehensive. They are meant to initiate a discourse on ‘what can/should be done' and ‘how', and to foster a discussion on the possibility of a Penang Story People's Museum. First and foremost, I would like to state clearly my conception of preservation is not only about preserving the memories of cultural traditions or about organising an anthropological display of the respective communities' social-cultural history. While these aspects are fundamental and interesting in themselves, they should not be the only focus. This paper recommends that it is equally vital to capture and commemorate the various groups' lived experiences of toil and struggle, resilience and perseverance; and their respective roles, especially for them to tell their own stories, irrespective of whether the actual communal site is being (or can be) conserved or not. In this paper, the meaning of conservation and restoration goes beyond the conservation of the physical site or social cultural dimensions of the communities. More importantly, it refers to the commemoration of the respective cultural communities - both their diverse social-cultural heritage, in particular the revival of certain cultural values, and the people's contributions to the history and development of early Penang. It is only through such an emphasis that the rightful place of historic communal sites and cultural communities can be recovered in the history and development of early Penang. To reclaim the multi-cultural heritage of Penang it will be ideal in the long run to recover and commemorate all communal sites and cultural communities, including those that no longer exist on the current cultural landscape. This is indeed a colossal and possibly a multi-million dollar task but a journey of a million miles needs to commence with the first step. A thorough plan and inventory should be drawn up to map the inclusion of all communal sites and cultural communities that have existed in Penang before and currently (leading to the publication of an attractive popular map of Penang's mutlti-cultural heritage). Many of them have been identified through the colloquia of the Penang Story community project. Care must be taken not to create a hierarchy or competition amongst the various groups in deciding which is more important or, should be restored. Each communal site is significant and interesting in its own right, after all each of them has a legitimate place and a role in the development and historical identity of Penang. The uniqueness of Penang's multi-cultural mosaic will be further enhanced if the interaction and relationship of the different cultural communities can be highlighted in the recovery of the communities' respective histories. |
|
Civic pride Secondly, I would like to raise the issue of participation and ownership. Integrating cultural heritage conservation into a broad process of community and citizen participation will enhance civic pride and city-image building among its citizens. A creative and community-centered participatory approach that includes and involves people from the respective communal sites/communities and/or their descendants, especially school children will foster ownership (See section on commemoration houses for the various ways in engaging community participation.) Understandably, this may not be feasible in all cases. Thirdly, it is essential that the recovery process entails an educational component where there are deliberately planned opportunities to revive and affirm desirable values and/or cultural practices of the respective communities. For example, if it is known that collectivity and collaboration is an extraordinary cultural value of the clan jetties, then, this value can be promoted through meaningful (for example, school) community projects especially among the younger generation from the communal site (if it still exist) and the general public through a program of public awareness and community education. In this way living memories of positive aspects of communal sites/cultural communities can be promoted and sustained among future generations of Penangites. This will also be a way to engage the Penang populace into an awareness and concern for heritage matters. Indeed this can be an effective way to promote the practice of multi-culturalism in Malaysia. Three concrete proposals are delineated here - (a) research, especially collaborative community-based investigation and popular forms of documentation, (b) establishing a series or center (museum) of commemoration houses of historical/cultural communities sites,
(c) a Penang's
Story People's Museum. These are not mutually exclusive. They should be
undertaken as a continual developmental process. |
| Commemoration
houses (b) commemoration houses on communal sites/cultural communities A commemoration house is like a miniature museum, which holds the records and display pertaining to a particular group(s). Various innovative ongoing programs can be organized to stimulate interest and increase knowledge on the communities to highlight various aspects of their lives - their origins, beliefs and practice like particular cultural practices or celebration of specific festivals and the significance behind them. This will create opportunities to keep the commemoration house alive and involve the local people. An important function of this house will include an educational role in exposing future generations to the values, culture, practices and roles of the respective communities, contributing in the long run to the practice and understanding of living multi-culturalism. An example of this model is the ethnic museum in Adelaide and nearer to home is the Chinese museum in Kuching. However, the museum in Kuching is largely an exhibit center only. Ideally it would add to the cutting edge for heritage and cultural tourism in Penang if a commemoration house of each communal site can be constructed in its original locale to house a display of the history, cultural traditions and contributions, and other interactive multi-media documentation of the community. For example, the Armenian commemoration house in Armenian Street, the Javanese commemoration house in Acheen Street, the Siamese commemoration house in Burmah Lane, the Achinese commemoration house in Acheen Street, etc. However this is unlikely to be possible given the number of communal sites that have been part of Penang's cultural mosaic. Moreover, given the scope of work and costs involved it is highly unlikely possible to acquire a place in its original locality for each communal site. An alternative is to capitalise on the milieu of a surviving communal site. A joint commemoration house that can accommodate the displays and activities of a few communal sites can be set up in or around the vicinity of the existing communal site. Preferably, this communal site should be in a strategic location, have historic value as well as potential for revitalisation. The Clan Jetties of Weld Quay have these qualities. They are strategically situated on the margin of Georgetown's inner city enclave, the part of the island that has been listed as one of the World's 100 Most Endangered sites. This is also within the area that has been nominated as the historic area of Penang to UNESCO World Heritage. As a communal site, the Clan Jetties of Weld Quay dates back to the 19th century and have been reputed for its clan organization as signified by the names of the jetties. Hence it has become a popular stop in the Penang city tour itinerary in the past few decades. Its spectacular physical facade of being a floating village in an urban metropolis further enhances the tourist attraction of the clan jetties. However, its daily functioning as a clan community has faded and is fast disintegrating. Unless some form of regeneration is undertaken, the social-cultural and physical distinctiveness of the jetties will eventually be lost, even though it may become popular as an affordable low-rent urban housing area. However it would not be viable if only the jetties were preserved. Nor would it be sustainable if the jetties were only physically maintained without any economic or social revitalisation. The conservation of the clan jetties will have to be part of an integrated urban renewal plan to regenerate the whole of Weld Quay. In fact waterfront renewal has been a popular trend in inner city redevelopment. The historic significance and aesthetic value of the Weld Quay waterfront has not been tapped sufficiently for Penang's development. The state government has already earmarked the northern portion of Weld Quay to be a marina for sea-related leisure activities. However no definite plans have been publicised for the southern portion, where the clan jetties are located. Indeed an economic revitalization of the whole Weld Quay waterfront is necessary. However this should be tastefully designed to refurbish and incorporate its existing historical buildings (so that the area does not become another modern commercial complex) and as well to draw in the added value of the historic landmark of the clan jetties. Part of the jetty locale can be redeveloped into a landscaped green lung for the inner city. The area can be enhanced with a dual-linked promenade - northwards to the Fort Cornwallis-Esplanade and westwards to the inner city enclave. This is also the place where the joint commemoration house for different communal sites can be sited. Apart from its current residential function, the jetty settlements can be navigated to be a commercial (as well as tourist-attraction, but not only for tourists) hub for small ethnic based businesses like craft workshops (making wooden clogs, producing prayer items, local kuih (cakes), etc) of the various ethnic groups; in particular, those related to the cultural communities of the joint commemoration house. As part of the conservation plan, the current infrastructure of the jetties has to be upgraded in terms of basic amenities like sanitation. It can also be anticipated that over time most of the jetties' descendants may not continue to live in the clan jetties as have already taken place. Their social-cultural practices and institutions of the community may vanish even before all their clansmen have moved out. Thus, to preserve the cultural heritage of this group it will be necessary to commence documentation of its history. To ensure that some original aspects of the community are conserved, special effort should be directed at preserving the temples of the jetties (where still existing) as the symbolic and cultural landmark of the communal site and its history. The temple space can be encouraged to be the ‘custodian' of the community. Like in the Chew Jetty, it is the public and cultural space, where non-residing members of the Chew clan return to make their yearly offerings. In this way the identity of the communal site is preserved through a continuing set of cultural/religious practice. |
| (c) Penang
story people's museum A Penang Story People's Museum is similar to the concept of a commemoration house, except on a bigger scale, and with three other distinct roles - education, research and resource centre. Instead of a single or a joint commemoration house, the people's museum will house the displays, records and activities of all the communal sites, and other exhibits in one single venue with myriad set of ongoing activities, using various forms of small group media/workshops, interactive multimedia and IT. The Penang Story People's Museum can play a more active role as a learning center which operates a full education service of varied programs for independent visitors, adult groups and schools. The promotion of education and awareness building, combining different approaches to learning should be one of its core activities. There should be ongoing creative workshops, educational programs and special events like production workshops, heritage tours and inner city outings to engage especially school children during school holidays. Through this their awareness and interest in communities and our multi-cultural heritage will be increased. Another related role of this museum would be its research and developmental function. It can help advance new scholarship through traditional and community-based research and encourage the investigation and documentation of various aspects of Penang society - past and present through partnership of the various stakeholders. For example through school projects, school children can learn to appreciate their contemporary neighbourhood history and the culture and religions of other ethnic groups. Over time the Penang Story People's Museum should become a rich resource and can develop a resource center or holding on specific topics like early migration history, etc. The refurbished Penang Museum has in its current display, a collection of exhibits of certain ethnic communities. The current collection on ethnic groups and their cultural items can be strengthened with attractive documentation of the people's contributions and lived experiences. Building on and expanding the existing collection and functions of the Penang Museum will be another feasible strategy to document and commemorate the histories of Penang's diverse communal sites - our multi-cultural heritage. The proposals delineated are indeed mammoth. As mentioned earlier each proposal is not mutually exclusive of the other. They are not and should not be one-off projects. They can be prioritized and organized as an ongoing endeavour. By Way of a Conclusion The Clan Jetties of Weld Quay is a typical example of the inevitable disintegration of a communal site left on its own. Like other communal sites, given its historic and heritage significance it deserves to be considered for preservation before its ultimate disappearance. This paper underscores the point that merely preserving a communal site is not enough to justify its restoration. Neither will this be desirable nor sustainable. Surviving communal sites need to be revitalized and reinvented to enable its sustainability and relevance to changing times. Such efforts need to be approached in ways, which can generate a living heritage that engages with and involve local communities and the general public, in particular for the younger generation to be aware of, be able to enjoy, to protect and be proud of our heritage. Only then can our living cultural heritage can be our cultural capital. It is my hope that this paper can generate a productive discussion towards this end.# (concluded) __________________________________ Part 2 of paper by Dr Chan Lean Heng of the School of Social Sciences, Universsiti Sains Malaysia read at The Penang Story International Conference 2002 held a Penang 18-21 April 2002 Rediscovering Historic Communal Sites and Commemorating their histories - The Case of the Clan Jetties |
|
| ______ INDEX Point to the article that you want to read, and CLICK Index Page
Baba Sayings
Barbers
Clan Enclaves
Jetty Village
Luang Prabang
Nutmeg Wars
PORR Headache |
| _____________________ The Penang File Issue 24 |